Iran’s ambassador to Tbilisi unleashed another “pleasantry” after Georgia joined US sanctions targeting Iranian airlines.
Six of the 27 carriers blacklisted by the United States used to fly to Tbilisi. Not anymore. The reaction from Iranian diplomat Seyed Ali Mojani was swift. He accused Tbilisi of making decisions “to the glory of America,” stated that the restrictions would impact the Fereydan Georgians—ethnic Georgians residing in the Islamic Republic—and then added that those willing to accommodate the flow of Iranian tourists could easily be found on “other shores” of the Black Sea.
The ambassador then posted a map of the Black Sea region on social media detailing Crimean resorts, while a substantial part of Georgia’s territory was left out of the frame. When journalists questioned Mojani about the political subtext of the post, he remarked: “Sometimes a diplomat can say nothing and simply share a photo.”
This is far from the first such broadside by the Iranian ambassador in Tbilisi. In the spring, following a phone conversation between Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio—which, according to official reports, focused on regional security—Mojani posted a photograph of a car side mirror inscribed with: “Objects in mirror are closer than they appear.” At the time, he accompanied the image with a lengthy post concluding with the words: “No country is immune to the consequences of a regional crisis.” Within expert circles, the post was interpreted as a veiled threat.
Notably, official Tbilisi consistently refrains from commenting on the Iranian ambassador’s ambiguous statements. Figuratively speaking, the ruling Georgian Dream party is attempting a perilous balancing act. Just a couple of years ago, for instance, at the height of Georgia’s anti-Western campaign, Prime Minister Kobakhidze attended the inauguration ceremony of the Iranian president, where anti-American slogans rang out.
Recently, however, the balance of power in the South Caucasus has shifted considerably. The United States has become a far more prominent player, while Georgia has transformed from a recent frontrunner into a geopolitical outsider. Under these prevailing realities, experts suggest, the ruling party is no longer willing to risk antagonizing Washington and is instead actively seeking to build ties with the Trump administration.
Incidentally, Tbilisi’s dependence on Tehran is modest. Iran accounts for only about 1% of the country’s foreign trade and 1–2% of tourist arrivals. Nevertheless, the Iranian market remains critical for the Georgian construction sector as a key supplier of ferrous metals. Since 2012, the number of Iranian companies in Georgia has surged by 510%, although direct investment remains virtually non-existent.
At the same time, critics argue that Tehran has spent years using Georgia as a logistical and financial “hub” to bypass international isolation. By all appearances, the threat of losing this loophole is precisely what is driving Iranian diplomacy toward these nervous hints.