On October 21, 22, and 23, the Constitutional Court of Georgia will hear a constitutional lawsuit filed by 88 members of parliament entitled: “On Declaring the Activities of Certain Political Parties Unconstitutional and Banning Them.”
The 88 MPs are asking the Constitutional Court to:
- declare the activities of five political parties unconstitutional;
- ban these parties;
- cancel their registration.
According to the plaintiffs, the goal of these parties’ activities is to overthrow or forcibly alter the constitutional order of Georgia, encroach upon the country’s independence, and violate its territorial integrity.
The lawsuit is directed against the following opposition coalitions and parties:
- United National Movement
- Coalition for Change
- Strong Georgia – Lelo
- Gakharia for Georgia
- Federalists
The constitutional lawsuit does not contain a demand to restrict the political activities of individuals associated with these parties.
Under organic law, the Constitutional Court has nine months from the date of the lawsuit’s registration to deliver a ruling on the case. The latest filing, which added “Gakharia for Georgia” to the list of parties subject to a ban, was submitted by parliament on September 24. Accordingly, the deadline for the Constitutional Court to issue its decision is June 24.
The authors of the lawsuit contend that the parties should be declared unconstitutional, banned, and stripped of registration under Article 23, Paragraph 3 of the Constitution of Georgia, which prohibits the creation and activity of political parties whose aim is:
- the overthrow or forcible alteration of the constitutional order of Georgia;
- encroachment upon the country’s independence;
- violation of its territorial integrity;
- the propaganda of war or violence;
- the incitement of national, ethnic, regional, religious, or social strife.
In the lawsuit, the ruling Georgian Dream party and its affiliated People’s Power advance the following arguments:
Systemic Human Rights Violations in the Past
The plaintiffs accuse the United National Movement of systemic and systematic human rights violations during its tenure in power from 2004 to 2012.
The lawsuit cites: the practice of torture and ill-treatment of inmates in penitentiary institutions; instances of murder and violence; the cases involving the murder of Buta Robakidze, the killings of Evgeni and Omekh Aprasidze, as well as the assault on Valeri Gelashvili.
To substantiate these allegations, the plaintiffs rely on the findings of Tea Tsulukiani’s commission of inquiry, rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, and other sources. In their view, these were not merely isolated violations—they were systemic in nature.
Denial of Election Results and the Legitimacy of Elected Authorities
One of the lawsuit’s central arguments is that over many years, the five political parties rejected the results of elections held in accordance with Georgia’s Constitution and electoral legislation, as well as the legitimacy of the bodies elected on their basis.
The plaintiffs point, in particular, to: boycott calls following the 2016 parliamentary elections; the refusal to recognize the outcome of the 2018 presidential election and an attempt to disrupt the presidential inauguration; the boycott of the 2020 parliamentary elections and the initial refusal to participate in parliament’s work; declaring the results of the 2021 local elections illegitimate; and denying the results of the 2024 parliamentary elections while contesting the legitimacy of the newly elected parliament.
According to the plaintiffs, the parties’ refusal to recognize election outcomes—followed by their eventual uptake of the mandates won—demonstrates that their initial stance was not motivated by genuine legal violations during the vote. They qualify this conduct as sabotage directed against the state.
Attempts at Forcible Regime Change
Georgian Dream and People’s Power claim that the opposition parties did not confine themselves to political criticism of the authorities and, in certain instances, took part in attempts to overthrow or forcibly alter the constitutional order.
In this context, they cite:
- the anti-Russian protest in June 2019—the so-called “Gavrilov’s Night”;
- the protest rally outside the Central Election Commission building in November 2020;
- protests against the “Russian” foreign agent law in 2023;
- the demonstrations in the spring of 2024 following the reintroduction of the “Russian” law to parliament, as well as the protests of November–December 2024, when citizens rallied against Georgian Dream’s decision to suspend EU accession talks;
- the events of October 4, 2025.
The plaintiffs argue that the totality of these facts indicates not merely protest activity, but an intent to overthrow the government through unconstitutional means.
Actions of the Five Parties as a Unified Political Force
The plaintiffs assert that rather than being mutually independent entities, these five parties represent a single political bloc operating toward shared objectives.
The lawsuit cites the following arguments in support of this claim:
- the establishment of opposition party alliances and joint political platforms;
- cooperation centered around the 2024 “Georgian Charter”;
- the formation of the “Opposition Alliance” on March 2, 2026;
- cooperation among various parties within local self-government bodies and joint political decision-making;
- the adoption of a unified stance by these parties on electoral issues and the legitimacy of the government.
According to the petitioners, the nature and objectives of these connections demonstrate that the parties share common political aspirations and jointly engage in actions that the lawsuit characterizes as unconstitutional.
Anti-State Actions and External Pressure
Another line of argument in the lawsuit is the claim that these parties contributed to international pressure on the Georgian state and its authorities. Mentioned in this context are critical resolutions by the European Parliament and other institutions, demands for sanctions against members of Georgian Dream, and calls for the release of Mikheil Saakashvili.
According to the lawsuit brought by “Dream” and People’s Power, a portion of these actions constitutes sabotage of state interests and steps aimed against Georgia’s independence.
Encroachment on Territorial Integrity
A separate chapter in the lawsuit is dedicated to this matter: “Encroachment on the Independence of Georgia, Violation of the Country’s Territorial Integrity.”
“Dream” divides the allegations into two parts:
- Part One: 2004–2012 and the 2008 War.
According to the authors of the lawsuit, the actions of Mikheil Saakashvili’s government contributed to the escalation of the conflict, the August 2008 war, and the occupation of Georgian territories.
The lawsuit cites:
- the pursuit of belligerent rhetoric and confrontational policies between 2004 and 2008;
- holding alternative elections in the Tskhinvali region in 2006, which the plaintiffs view as indirect legitimation of separatist entities;
- the creation of the provisional administrative-territorial entity of South Ossetia in 2007;
- hostilities in August 2008 and the question of responsibility on the part of the Georgian authorities at the time.
To substantiate these arguments, the plaintiffs reference the findings of the Tea Tsulukiani commission, a resolution by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, and the 2009 report of the international Tagliavini mission.
- Part Two: Developments Post-2012.
The plaintiffs claim that the five parties sought to aggravate relations between Georgia and Russia to a degree that could have provoked a renewed military conflict. In this regard, the lawsuit states that following the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the opposition urged the Georgian leadership to impose sanctions on Russia and demanded authorization for international flights to transport combatants from Georgia to Ukraine.
Furthermore, in the lawsuit, the 88 MPs:
link the name of Giorgi Gakharia to the installation of a checkpoint near the village of Chorchana along the South Ossetian occupation line in 2019, asserting that this decision led to grave consequences regarding territorial integrity;
view statements made by Nika Gvaramia and Mikheil Saakashvili concerning the occupied territories as detrimental to the prospects for the peaceful restoration of Georgia’s territorial integrity;
contend that the aforementioned parties facilitated external pressure on Georgia and its leadership, which, in their view, compromised national independence.
The lawsuit relies heavily on the findings of the Tea Tsulukiani commission.
Officially, the Tsulukiani commission was titled the “Commission for the Study of the Activities of the Regime Operating in 2003–2012 and the Political Officials of That Regime.”
The commission functioned during the spring and summer of 2025, publishing its final report in September of that year.
It is specifically the report of Tea Tsulukiani’s commission that addresses penitentiary abuse committed by representatives of the former administration. It also examines breaches of privacy: the commission concluded that the UNM violated privacy rights through the collection of covert audio and video wiretaps.
The findings also cite corruption, business extortion, curbs on media freedom, as well as encroachments on Georgia’s territorial integrity and engagements with Russia.