Rosselkhoznadzor is coming to town. Just weeks after Moscow imposed an embargo on several Georgian wine and mineral water producers—and pro-Kremlin Georgian politicians confirmed that the blacklist would expand—Tbilisi has decided to grant Russian inspectors access to its laboratories.
Three key developments dominate the week’s agenda: on the one hand, Moscow is expanding its “blacklist” by targeting three more wine companies, as reported by pro-Russian politician Mamuka Pipia. On the other, it is opening its market to two Georgian dairy processing plants and dispatching inspectors from Rosselkhoznadzor (the Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance) to the country.
The National Food Agency offered a curt explanation, stating that Georgia had invited the inspection from the north on its own initiative to establish unified regulatory approaches. However, when journalists sought additional details, officials stopped answering their phones. Nonetheless, it is known that representatives of the Russian regulatory body will arrive in Georgia on November 2 to examine in detail the phytosanitary certification system for fruit and inspect the laboratories testing export goods for pesticides and agrochemicals.
Notably, against the backdrop of this contradictory activity, Russian media outlets have been publishing reports highlighting the growth of trade and economic ties between Tbilisi and Moscow. Specific figures are spotlighted: plum shipments have surged by 74%, watermelons and mandarins by nearly 60%, blueberries by 47%, while apple purchases have surpassed 15,000 tons. Reports also emphasize that imports of live pigs from Russia into Georgia have increased by 26%, and onion imports have tripled.
The Kremlin’s intentions are an open book, Georgian opposition politicians argue. According to Roman Gotsiridze, former Governor of the National Bank, Moscow’s move is a clear signal to business and, simultaneously, a continuation of its policy of blackmail and intimidation. As an example, he cites three companies reportedly embargoed by Russia just days ago. The owners of two of them are EU citizens who transferred funds to a Ukrainian charity fund. The third company, according to Gotsiridze, was penalized because its wine was featured in an auction held in support of Ukraine.
Critics point out that inviting Russian specialists signals that relations with Moscow are entering an entirely new phase. This decision effectively provides the Kremlin with a universal mechanism for selective manual control: Moscow will be able to open or block market access for individual producers at its own discretion.
At the same time, experts point out that beyond agriculture, Russia is consolidating a far more serious leverage over Georgia: energy. The share of Russian gas consumption in the country is growing at an alarming pace: while it accounted for only about two percent in 2018, by 2025 it is projected to hit 28%. Ultimately, behind these seemingly benign trade figures lies a perilous prospect: Georgia’s economy risks turning into an instrument of subjugation, where the price will have to be paid not only in money, but in political self-determination.