This article is part of a partnership with OC Media. You can read the original in English here.
Leaked documents obtained by the Dossier Center of Russian opposition figure Mikhail Khodorkovsky allegedly point to the existence of a detailed Russian plan to unseat Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan through an operation built around their primary candidate, the Russian-Armenian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan. A separate investigation by The Insider revealed that in 2016, Karapetyan received unsecured loans from the Russian state-owned energy giant Gazprom to acquire a debt-laden French villa, which was reportedly used by Russian political figure Alina Kabaeva, long suspected of being the partner of President Vladimir Putin.
Ahead of the Armenian parliamentary elections, scheduled for June 7, relations between Armenia and Russia appear to be at a low point.
Russia has suspended the sale of alcoholic beverages from several Armenian producers, claiming they “do not meet mandatory requirements,” completely banned the import and sale of Armenian “Jermuk” mineral water, and initiated additional checks on the export of Armenian fruits and vegetables following the suspension of Armenian flower sales.
Alongside the latest restrictions, Russian officials continue to warn Armenia against deepening ties with the EU, including stating the possibility of gas price hikes should Armenia withdraw from the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
Just two weeks before election day, the Dossier Center obtained and analyzed internal documents of Russian political consultants “assigned” to several Armenian opposition candidates, which indicate Moscow’s desire to weaken Pashinyan and his foreign policy strategy, as well as to form a post-election coalition.
From the very beginning, it appears, the Kremlin’s main candidate was political newcomer Karapetyan, who “was meant to become the ‘savior’ of the Armenian people.”
As Khodorkovsky writes on his Substack, “Karapetyan met a number of specific requirements: he was not associated with the discredited ‘old opposition,’ the ‘Karabakh clan,’ or Pashinyan’s group.”
At the same time, however, Karapetyan had strong ties to Russia, including being listed in Russian databases since 2006 as an employee of the “IC FSB,” or the Information Center of the FSB (Federal Security Service)—a designation typically used to denote informants or foreigners operating under FSB control.
Although the operation planned around Karapetyan was meticulously designed—including the creation of a TV channel and a legal defense committee in the event of his suspected arrest—Kremlin consultant Gleb Kuznetsov, who heads the expert council of the Expert Institute for Social Research (EISI), which is closely linked to the Russian Presidential Administration, soon realized that Karapetyan’s overt ties to Russia were actually a hindrance, including legally preventing him from holding the post of prime minister.
Therefore, according to the leaked documents, a second vector was formed, centered around Armenia’s former ombudsman Arman Tatoyan, who was perhaps the most popular candidate for the position. By mid-April 2026, Tatoyan had registered his political initiative “Wings of Unity” as a political party.
Internal documents obtained by the Dossier Center show that his campaign was designed by the same Russian institute, with the launch document prepared by Kuznetsov’s wife, Karin Sarkisyan.
The goal was set to raise Tatoyan’s rating to 10% in the polls by March 2026. To achieve this, the former head of Armenia’s State Revenue Committee, David Ananyan, prepared financial tables outlining a five-month campaign budget of 926.7 million drams ($2.5 million), which was to cover the costs of regional headquarters, salaries, and advertising.
Another document allocated funds for a dedicated staff in Moscow and an ongoing research program.
At the same time, Tatoyan “was instructed to declare that he was ‘pro-Armenian,’ that Russia was simply a ‘reality’ (referring to gas dependency and the large Armenian diaspora), and to question why Pashinyan only cooperated with one side.” He was also “explicitly told not to call for a return to the CSTO […] and not to attack Russia.”
But by February 2026, it became clear that Tatoyan’s campaign was lagging—in March, his rating stood at 7.8%, falling short of the targeted 10%.
Therefore, as the Dossier Center established, a third Russian document was created, outlining a post-election coalition between Karapetyan and Tatoyan.
“Tatoyan will carry an institutional, moderate message, while Karapetyan will handle the ‘geopolitical, resource, and conservative’ side. Together, they will form an anti-Pashinyan majority, cleansed of any toxic connection to former President Robert Kocharyan,” Khodorkovsky wrote on his Substack.
Following the publication of the Dossier Center report, the “Independent Observer” alliance filed a statement on Monday accusing Tatoyan of illegal campaign financing.
On the same day, Tatoyan responded to the allegations, calling the financial figures cited by the Dossier Center “fabricated and completely exaggerated.”
“These are facts, objective facts. The information about the sources of funding is completely untrue. All our actions comply with the law: they are reflected in tax and bank reports, as well as in all other relevant documents. The ‘Wings of Unity’ party does not receive funding from any external sources, let alone from Russia,” Tatoyan wrote on Facebook.
In conclusion, he stated that they would “sue the dubious source” and pursue anyone who undermines his “authority and good name.”
At the time of publication, Karapetyan had not responded to these allegations.
Karapetyan’s ties to Putin’s long-time companion Kabaeva
On May 25, an investigation by the independent Russian outlet The Insider was published, revealing that Karapetyan was listed as the owner of the “Villa Maria Irina” on the French Riviera—the very residence previously linked to Putin’s alleged companion Alina Kabaeva.
Using the financial statements of the companies that formally owned the property, The Insider discovered that “entities associated with Gazprom provided money to purchase the villa and cover the debts related to its maintenance, essentially free of charge and with no expectation of repayment,” thereby making Karapetyan the nominal owner of the villa. Tracing the cash flow, the investigation showed that the money was transferred to Karapetyan’s offshore companies as a gift.
“The loan was not just unsecured—it had negative collateral, as the shares of the companies Subville and Maritime Villa Holding, which allegedly served as its collateral, obligated the owner to pay off previous debts that exceeded the value of the villa itself.
Even after the debts on the villa were paid off, the transfer of funds—which also originated from sources linked to Gazprom—continued under the guise of loans.”
These revelations provided fresh evidence of the ties between Karapetyan and the highest echelons of Russian power. In 2018, Karapetyan’s name appeared on a list of key Russian oligarchs compiled by the US Department of the Treasury.
The inclusion of Karapetyan and others on this list was based on an assessment of “their closeness to the Russian regime and their net worth.”
